By Christopher Tuplin
A iteration in the past the Achaemenid Empire used to be a minor sideshow inside usual disciplines. For Greek historians the Persians have been the defeated nationwide enemy, a catalyst of switch within the aftermath of the autumn of Athens or the sufferer of Alexander. For Egyptologists and Assyriologists they belonged to an period that obtained scant cognizance in comparison with the dignity days of the hot state or the Neo-Assyrian Empire. for many archaeologists they have been elusive in a fabric checklist that lacked a distinctively Achaemenid imprint. issues have replaced now. The empire is an item of analysis in its personal correct, and a neighborhood of Achaemenid experts has emerged to hold that learn ahead. Such groups are, even if, apt to speak between themselves and the current quantity goals to offer a certified yet non-specialist viewers a few flavor of the diversity of subject-matter and discourse that typifies Achaemenid experiences. The extensive subject of political and cultural interplay reflecting the empires variety and the character of our assets for its heritage is illustrated in fourteen chapters that movement from concerns in Greek historiography via a chain of local stories (Egypt, Anatolia, Babylonia and Persia) to Zarathushtra, Alexander the nice and the early sleek reception of Persepolis.
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Extra info for Persian Responses: Political and Cultural Interaction Within the Achaemenid Empire
On February 23, 1918, the Transcaucasian Realities Of Azerbaijan 1917-1920 D59E Seim, composed of factions led by the three major parties (Musavat, Menshevik, and Dashnaktsutiun), opened its first session. 69 Unlike the Georgian and Armenian factions, the Muslim faction was marked by disunity. At a time when massacres of Turks by Dashnak-Bolshevik gangs necessitated firm measures from the Azerbaijani representatives, they proved unable to act. Contrary to the Armenian and Georgian deputies, the Azerbaijani members of the Seim had a belligerent position toward Shaumian’s Baku Soviet and fully supported the Ottoman policy in the Caucasus.
Conflict within the Seim escalated for a number of reasons: proposals of the South Caucasian delegation were rejected by the Ottomans, whose troops were marching toward Armenia; Halil Bey Menteşe refused German mediation, and the German delegation left Batum; and the Muslim faction threatened to secede from the Seim in case of failure of the Transcaucasian government to take measures to oust Shaumian’s regime from Baku. These events signaled the approach of a crucial stage in the history of the South Caucasus.
970, list 1, file 1, sheet 31. SARA, col. 970, list 1, file 1, sheet 32. 76 Khoyski proposed to lay the following conditions before Dashnaks: the authority in Baku should be surrendered to Azerbaijanis, Muslim military should be brought in to support the government, and the disarmed Armenian detachments should withdraw from the city. 77 The talks between the Transcaucasian Republic and the Ottoman Empire resumed on the May 11, 1918, in Batum. The delegation from the South Caucasus included forty-five members and was led by the prime minister and the minister of foreign affairs Akaki Chkhenkeli.