By Haggai Ram
Israel and Iran normally are portrayed as sworn enemies, engaged in an never-ending clash with possibly apocalyptic implications.Iranophobia deals an leading edge and provocative new studying of this clash. involved superior with how Israelis understand Iran, the writer steps again from all-too-common geopolitical analyses to teach that this clash is as a lot a fabricated from shared cultural trajectories and entangled histories because it is one among strategic matters and political changes.
Haggai Ram, an Israeli student, explores common Israeli assumptions approximately Iran to examine how those assumptions have, in flip, mirrored and formed Jewish Israeli identification. Drawing on different political, cultural, and educational assets, he concludes that anti-Iran phobias within the Israeli public sphere are principally projections of perceived household threats to the existing Israeli ethnocratic order. even as, he examines those phobias on the subject of the Jewish state's use of violence within the Palestinian territories and Lebanon within the post-9/11 international.
In the top, Ram demonstrates that the clash among Israel and Iran is probably not as crucial and polarized as universal wisdom assumes. Israeli anti-Iran phobias are derived both from family anxieties in regards to the Jewish state's ethnic and non secular identities and from exaggerated and displaced strategic issues within the period of the "war on terrorism."
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Extra info for Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession (Stanford Studies in Middle Eastern and I)
In the background victory songs are played on Iranian TV, and President Ahmadinejad declares that his country has carried out a successful nuclear experiment, joining the exclusive club of states with nuclear capabilities. Millions of Iranians take to the streets in an exhilarated show of pride, which quickly evolves into a grand spectacle of hatred against the West and Israel. 67 The other text, penned by a prominent historian of the Middle East, Benny Morris, reads as follows: One bright morning .
Those who know the real Iran, the one behind the showcase windows . . the coffee houses and the restaurants of Pahlavi Street, would know also that most of Iran’s people are still taking their first steps to emerge from the darkness of feudalism and Islamic religious fanaticism, and that most of the population is made up of uneducated peasants who have only recently begun to change ways of life and labor techniques, which were in existence since the days of the Achaemenid dynasty [sic]. 52 Barring massacre, such is the conclusion of our expert, only an “oriental despotism” of the Shah’s type could somehow restrain the expansion of “religious Islamic fanaticism”53 and establish a modern state—thereby defending Iranians from their own reactionary and fanatic forces that are always on the lookout for the opportune time to raise their heads.
The same writer went on to say, The situation in Iran is still fluid and no one can really predict how the political drama will turn out. It remains clear, however, that Iran will not return to what it had been in the past—even if the Shah retains his throne. For all practical Inaugurating Iran’s Radical Alterity 37 purposes, [Iran] was expropriated (hufqe‘ah) . . from the West’s zones of influence. . 66 As this writer suggests, in view of the unfolding Iranian “upheaval,” Iran could no longer be counted on as Israel’s (and the West’s) ally within the framework of the alliance of the periphery.