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By Thomas J. Noer

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Some corporate leaders urged American businessmen to suspend new investments until the Malan regime proved stable and it was clear apartheid would not threaten the black labor supply necessary for the mines. Pretoria's ambassador to the United States tried to calm businessmen's fears by publicly encouraging new investments and by assuring American executives that the Nationalists would not jeopardize economic stability. 11 The presidential election in the United States in 1948 generated keen interest in race, civil rights, and politics among Americans as well as South Africans.

S. officials generally remained silent on South African racial policies, the American press regularly attacked apartheid. S. critics. He argued that if America had a black majority at the same "low civilization level" as in South Africa, it would recognize the necessity of racial separatism. " ' 36 Nonetheless, Malan's periodic outbursts were more for domestic consumption than signs of any serious split with Washington. The United States quietly continued to support South Africa when heated debates over apartheid in the UN revealed the ferocity of racism among whites in South Africa.

He and his advisers continued the search for a "middle position" between support of white supremacy and endorsement of black rule begun by the Truman administration. There were few changes in America's UN policy or in direct diplomacy with Pretoria. S. diplomats that the Nationalists would remain in power and that they would continue to impose their program of racial separatism. It was also obvious that criticism of South Africa would increase among American liberals and third-world leaders. American ambivalence toward black nationalism and white rule continued, with only minor adjustments, until pressure for African independence, the domestic civil-rights movement, and ;i continued white defiance forced adjustments in policy in 1958.

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