By Christa König
This booklet offers a typological review of different manifestations of grammaticalized case platforms in African languages. After defining and distinguishing case platforms, Christa K???nig starts a radical research of case in approximately a hundred African languages and divulges numerous beneficial properties, comparable to tone as a marker for case and the marked-nominative approach, that are infrequent phenomena in different languages of the realm. anywhere attainable, the writer takes under consideration info from her personal mammoth and very hot box examine. The e-book offers solutions to questions reminiscent of the next: what's the dating among definiteness and case. Are case phenomena areally or genetically inspired? Why are case differences neutralized in approximately all case languages with verb preliminary or verb medial notice order? Which grammaticalizations seem with case? what's the dating among subject matters and nominative situations, or concentration and accusative situations?
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155). Dawisha’s (2008) description of Iraqi politics from the beginning until 2003 as ethnosectarian seems an accurate summary of what has happened and why sectarian and nationalist sentiments still operate in the Iraqi territory as well. State-Rebuilding Process in Iraq since 2003 We have stated above that the Eurocentric concept of neoliberal governmentality has been used as a governmental technique in Iraq since 2003, as an ongoing process in which state, societal, and individual relations have been The Failure of the State (Re)Building Process in Iraq ● 39 regulated with the hope of creating an active civil society, and prioritizing individual entrepreneurship.
When compared to the postrevolutionary Arab states, the case of Iraq where the sectarian identifications are very strong is an exception since its state rebuilding process began after the US invasion in 2003 and it is widely accepted by now that the idea of delivering or imposing democracy in Iraq has mostly failed. There is still no effective and sustainable state structure in the eyes of the Iraqi people and the Sunni protests against the central government, the consistent violence, the Kurdish efforts for independence, and finally the invasion of Mosul by ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham, currently declared itself an Islamic State) indicate the level of such challenge.
60–91) or the “middle class poor” of Asef Bayat (2013 p. 34)—is described as defective. This is due to the nature of the political system (autocracy), or to internal divisions created by political Islam. In other words, all these accounts privilege internalist processes of political change. What these explanations fail to recognize is that the process of class formation is connected as much to external factors as to internal ones. Sandra Halperin (2005) noted long ago that the systematic crushing of left-radical groups during the Cold War led to massive outmigration of the middle class, skewing the balance between different classes and thwarting the emergence of vivid class consciousness (a key ingredient to class participation in political processes).